As my main theoretical support for the theme of artistic reception I follow the idea that the popularity of Norse mythology in visual arts was due to its connection with ideals of national cultures and the political situation of each Scandinavian country at that time, as defined by Norwegian art historian Knut Lj\u00f8godt.Romantik<\/em> 1, 2012, pp. 141–165.\n\">4<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0The main investigative endeavour is to ponder on the involvement of nationalism in Danish artistic production: in particular, the theme of the norns. How were norns portrayed in Danish art, and how are they related to symbols, themes or motifs linked to ideologies or national sentiments by the Danes?<\/p>\n Norse mythology was an important source of inspiration for several Danish artists. As a direct product of the so-called Nordic Renaissance,Klassiskt och nordiskt<\/em>: Fornnordiska motiv i bildkonsten 1775-1855<\/em>. Masteruppsats, Konstvetenskapliga institutionen, Uppsala Universitet, 2019, pp. 15-19.\n\">5<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0a great interest in the ancient Norse peoples \u2013 their material culture, their sagas and myths \u2013 was aroused.\u00a0The oldest representation of norns in Danish art was executed by Danish sculptor Johannes Wiedewelt (1730\u20131802) in the 1780s. The norns are a group of supernatural beings with an extremely variable nature depending on the source. Nevertheless, they are also subjected to stereotyped interpretations.Dictionary of Northern Mythology<\/em>. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer 2007, pp. 236-237; ‘Nornir appear to represent notions of inevitability in a broad and unapproachable sense; they are strongly linked to death and to ideas concerning judgment but also to transitions more generally’. Bek-Pedersen, Karen, The Norns in Old Norse Mythology<\/em>. Edinburgh: Dunedin Academic Press, 2011, p. 66.\n\">6<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0Wiedewelt\u2019s Norner<\/em> is part of a set of illustrations made for the opera Balders D\u00f8d<\/em>, by the Danish poet Johannes Ewald (1743-1781), based on Saxo Grammaticus\u2019s work Gesta Danorum<\/em>. It is a direct product of the Nordic Renaissance.Johannes Wiedewelt: a Danish artist in search of the past, shaping the future<\/em>. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press\/University of Copenhagen, 2010, pp. 31–37.\n\">7<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n The drawing [Fig. 1]<\/strong> represents the norns Urd, Verdandi and Skuld. The three are in front of a small fountain, in whose waters two swans swim. Urd dips her hand in the waters of a large pot, while Verdandi is supported by a large block of stone and Skuld, turning her back on us, waters the Yggdrasil tree. The details of this scene were directly influenced by Snorri Sturluson\u2019s Edda<\/em>, which in Wiedewelt\u2019s time was available in French, English and German through the books (1756\u201370) of Paul Henri Mallet. In the drawing, the only norn whose face we can contemplate is Urd\u2019s (the past); her breasts are also visible. Using allegorical language, Wiedewelt defines the present (Verdandi) and the future (Skuld) as uncertain, while the past remains the true nourishing force for the Danish nation. Especially with Urd\u2019s breasts in plain sight.Edda<\/em>: ‘The exploration of the three names attached to the nornir in certain sources – Urd, Verdandi, Skuld – has shown that the relationship between the nornir and the concept of time is at best awkward. To equate fate with time and regard the nornir as representatives of past, present and future is something that can only be done through their three names and, in Old Norse tradition, this interpretation is probably exclusive to V\u01eblusp\u00e1<\/em> and Snorra-Edda, of which the latter is dependent on the former’, Bek-Pedersen, Karen, 2011, p. 200.\n\">8<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n The garb of the norns is based on peasant models, reflecting the artist\u2019s effort to reconstruct a more Nordic reference for the characters of Norse Mythology, distancing himself from the neo-classicist model of moirai<\/em> and parcai<\/em>. Even so, Wiedewelt included two vases with Greco-Roman shapes, this being an example of how the Nordic motifs of this period incorporated traditional symbols from the classical tradition to convey the content of the myths.9<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0From a general point of view, the libretto of the opera Balders D\u00f8d<\/em> illustrated here by Wiedewelt was based on the archaeological information available to the artist in his own day: alongside the runic inscriptions, S\u00e1mi drums and megaliths, the characters portrayed also bear anachronistic costumes from the Renaissance and Baroque; in addition to this, the image has a certain fantastical and imaginary charge.<\/p>\n The depiction of the norns was part of Wiedewelt\u2019s recent status. In the 1770s, the artist designed Frederik V\u00b4s funerary chapel in Roskilde Cathedral, which for him would serve to immortalise the glories of national rulers, in addition to carrying out various works that highlighted the patriotism of the ancient Nordic heroes.10<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0The adoption of a peasant look for the norns, moving (partly) away from classicist references, gave the characters the customs and traditions of a Denmark closer to their time, thus creating a first reference for a nationalist sentiment which was still taking its first steps in Europe. Within the Danish patriotic conceptions of the eighteenth century, the peasant figure represented something backward; they were considered superstitious and lazy (\u2018the Others\u2019 within the nation), while the nobility spoke foreign languages and had a cosmopolitan outlook.Nations and Nationalism<\/em>, 13(2), 2007, pp. 215–216.\n\">11<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0By adopting a peasant look for the norns, Wiedewelt turned things around, anticipating the Romantic nationalist idea that it was among the people (the peasant) that the soul of the nation was truly found: the national character. A few years after this illustration, the German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) would defend the idea that the traditions, language and clothing of the peasants reflected a cultural continuity from antiquity to the present day and were manifestations of the national character.Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit<\/em>, (1774) apud: Engelhardt, Juliane, 2007, p. 215.\n\">12<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n In addition to the garments, a specific detail of the design seems to confirm this conception: the triple knot in Skuld\u2019s hair follows the same pattern constant in images of Valkyries and female supernatural beings, preserved in monuments such as The Hunnestad Monument <\/em>(DR 284, currently in Lund) and known since the book Monumenta Danica<\/em> (1643) by the Danish antiquarian Ole Worm (1588\u20131654). In this regard, the knot formed by the joining of hair above Urd\u2019s naked breasts is also significant, being an allusion to a state of natural freedom and also anticipating the creation of the peasant as a cultural hero by nineteenth-century Scandinavian intellectuals.Acta Sociologica<\/em> n. 42, 1999, pp. 259-269. Could these elements of Wiedewelt’s work be precursors to the nationalist freedom present in Oehlenschl\u00e4ger and Grundtvig? In Oehlenschl\u00e4ger a root in mythological past still living in Danish rural people (Schnurbein, Stefanie von, Norse Revival<\/em>: Transformations of Germanic Neopaganism. Leiden: Brill Academic Pub, 2016, p. 301). In Grundtvig, his educational ideas for the rural world applied to the Nordic gods: ‘Frihed for Loke s\u00e5vel som for Thor’ (Freedom for Loki as well as for Thor), apud: Zernack, Julia, ‘Pre-Christian Religions of the North and the Political Idea of Liberty’, in Ross, Margaret Clunies (Ed.), The Pre-Christian Religions of the North: Research and Reception<\/em>, Volume I: from the Middle Ages to c. 1830. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2018, p. 261. According to Grundtvig the independent peasant was the founder of Danish popular culture, which for him was synonymous with national culture (called by him: ‘folkelig’). Brincker, Benedikte, ‘A “Small Great National State”: An Analysis of the Cultural and Political Factors that Shaped Danish Nationalism 1760–1870’, Journal of Historical Sociology<\/em> 16(4), 2003, p. 416.\n\">13<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n In 1817 norns are once again represented in Danish art, but not as a main or central theme. They appear in the background of the painting Baldr\u00b4s death<\/em> [Fig. 2]<\/strong>, by Danish painter C. W. Eckersberg (1783\u20131853).14<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0While the main gods appear in the foreground, clad in bright colours and seen under a lot of light, the norns are in the shadows, next to the Yggdrasil tree. They appear in simple and very dark clothes, almost like peasant women, at the outskirts of the events taking place in the foreground, their faces low and sad. Urd points her finger in the direction of Skuld. Verdandi holds a large shield in her hands, ornamented with the sun, moon and two stars.<\/p>\n Eckersberg ended up creating a very personal interpretation of the norns. In the absence of a defined pattern for representing them, he may have known Wiedewelt\u2019s previous drawing and then chosen to depict them in peasant dress. His depictions also moves away from classical tradition in other ways, opting out of any symbolism associated with weaving or differences in age. The detail of the shield associated with the norns does not exist in any medieval or modern literary source.The Prose Edda<\/em>: ‘De v\u00e6lge dem der skal falde, og de raade for Sejren. Gudr, Rota, og den yngste Norne, som heder Skuld, er dem som altid ride for at bestyre Kampen’ (They choose those who fall and govern victory. Gudr, Rota and the youngest norn, called Skuld, are the ones who always ride to lead the fight). Nyerup, Rasmus, Edda: eller, Skandinavernes hedenske gudel\u00e6re<\/em>. Kj\u00f8benhavn: Andreas Geidelins Forlag, 1808, Niende Capitel, p. 47. In this work, Snorri Sturluson fused the Skuld norn with the eponymous valkyrie, which have the same names but are different beings in the oldest sources (as we can see in V\u01eblusp\u00e1<\/em>, where they are mentioned in different stanzas). It is also in V\u01eblusp\u00e1<\/em> that the valkyrie Skuld is described as carrying a shield (‘Skuld bar Skjoldet’, Den \u00e6ldre Edda<\/em>, bd. I. K\u00f8benhavn: Den Gyldendalske Boghandling, 1821, Valas Spaadom, s. 28, p. 42). So, perhaps by reading Snorri, Eckersberg inserted a shield next to the norns in his painting.\n\">15<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0Eckersberg inscribes celestial bodies on this object, perhaps to give a more cosmic sense or a cosmic power to these entities, facilitating their role as agents of the destiny (in his interpretation) of the god Balder. At the same time, we perceive some echo of the cosmic and divine power of the norns instituted by N.F.S. Grundtvig in Nordens Mytologi – eller en udsigt over Eddal\u00e6ren<\/em> (1808).Eddas<\/em>, being Odin's instrument to weaken the giants and gods decaying: Grundtvig, N.F.S., Nordens Mytologi eller en udsigt over Eddal\u00e6ren<\/em>. K\u00f8benhavn: Hofboghandler J. H. Schubothes Forlag, 1808, pp. 38-40.\n\">16<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n The shield and celestial bodies are also unrelated to Balder\u2019s death as described in the two literary sources used by Eckersberg for his painting: the Prose Edda<\/em> and Adam Oehlenschl\u00e4ger\u2019s Baldur hin gode<\/em> (1807).17<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0Contrary to old interpretations asserting that the painting is predominantly neoclassical, Nora Hansson interpreted it as a classicist only in regards to the formalism of light, its colours and contours, particularly as it also illustrates a blend of equipment and clothing from various historical periods.18<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0In the painting as a whole, the norns represent the conception that destiny is inevitable, offering no escape. And the detail of the three figures by the Yggdrasil, with mountains in the background, inserts the painting in an effectively mythological landscape.Go\u00f0sagnastr\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0<\/em>: Ritdeila um \u00e1g\u00e6ti norr\u00e6nnar go\u00f0afr\u00e6\u00f0i fyrir danska myndlist \u00ed upphafi n\u00edtj\u00e1ndu aldar. H\u00e1sk\u00f3li \u00cdslands, MA-ritger\u00f0 \u00ed listfr\u00e6\u00f0i, 2016, p. 55.\n\">19<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n At the beginning of the nineteenth century, a series of political and social events caused Denmark to undergo a new wave of national sentiment in which mythology became the major theme in the revaluation of the Nordic past. Several writers published various poems and books in which the ancient gods were associated with an idealised outlook on Denmark, the main examples being N.F.S. Grundtvig\u2019s Nordens mytologi<\/em> (1808) and Nordiske Digte<\/em> (1807) and Adam Oehlenschl\u00e4ger\u00b4s Nordens Guder<\/em> (1819). The Danish artists strove to create works with a mythological theme, but at the same time several critics questioned the fact that medieval sources did not provide any type of reference or information relevant to their images. In 1801, Oehlenschl\u00e4ger argued that Danish art should use Nordic themes instead of Greek mythology, as they stimulate people\u2019s love for their homeland.The Pre-Christian Religions of the North Research and Reception<\/em>, Volume I: From the Middle Ages to c. 1830. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2018, pp. 331–350. After the great success of his poem Guldhornerne<\/em>, Oehlenschl\u00e4ger held a series of public lectures on Norse mythology at the Academy of Art after 1804, being a great influence on the visual artists of his time. Grandien, Bo, ‘Painting and Sculpture in Denmark’, in Ross, Margaret Clunies (Ed.), The Pre-Christian Religions of the North<\/em>: Research and Reception, Volume I: From the Middle Ages to c. 1830. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2018, p. 452.\n\">20<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Between 1812 and 1821 the so-called Mythologie-Striden<\/em> (The Mythology Dispute) occurred, giving rise to two opposing groups: for or against the Norse theme in Danish art.21<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0In an 1812 dissertation, the theologian Jens M\u00f8ller defended the use of ancient Norse themes, stating that it stimulated love for the nation. In the years that followed, these discussions came to occupy The Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts,22<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0and in in 1819 and 1828, Finnur Magn\u00fasson was hired as an instructor in mythology and Nordic literature for art students.International Saga Conference<\/em>, 2011, p. 211; Gerven, Tim van, ‘Is Nordic Mythology Nordic or National, or Both? Competing National Appropriations of Nordic Mythology in Early Nineteenth-Century Scandinavia’, in Simon Halink (ed.), Northern Myths, Modern Identities<\/em>: The Nationalization of Northern mythologies since 1800<\/em>. Leiden\/Boston: Brill, 2019, p. 54. ‘Finnur exerted great influence on the artistic cultivation of Nordic mythology’, Gerven, Tim van, p. 55.\n\">23<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0Torkel Baden (secretary of the Academy of Fine Arts) refuted Jens M\u00f8ller\u2019s ideas, stating that the Nordic themes were deformed and useless, unlike classical mythology, which was sublime, ideal and cultured.24<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0The painter C. F. H\u00f8yer followed the same train of thought, asserting that classical and Christian motifs should prevail in Danish art.Arkivet<\/em>, Thorvaldsen Museum, 2014. [Accessed on 05.01.2020:] https:\/\/arkivet.thorvaldsensmuseum.dk\/articles\/norse-mythology<\/a>\n\">25<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n In 1820, Danish prince Christian Frederik asked the eminent sculptor Bertel Thorvaldsen to speak publicly in favour of Norse mythology; however, no such thing ever came to happen.Arkivet<\/em>, Thorvaldsen Museum [Accessed on 20.05.2020:] https:\/\/arkivet.thorvaldsensmuseum.dk\/dokumenter\/m71821,nr.58<\/a> My translations unless stated otherwise.\n\">26<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0That same year, the idea of launching an artistic competition with a Nordic theme was fostered and sponsored by Jonas Collin and Johan B\u00fclow.Letter from C. F. H\u00f8yer to Thorvaldsen dated 23.6.1821<\/em>, Arkivet,<\/em> Thorvaldsen Museum, [Accessed on 05.01.2020:] https:\/\/arkivet.thorvaldsensmuseum.dk\/dokumenter\/M875,10<\/a>\n\">27<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0An advertisement was published in several Copenhagen newspapers on 21 May 1821 and the contest was promoted by Det skandinaviske Litteraturselskab<\/em> (Scandinavian Literature Society), remaining open until 1 May 1822. The awards involved sums of money and were divided into three categories: Sketches for paintings; relief compositions, and drawings of individual figures. All proposals were to address themes of Norse mythology and would be judged by Jonas Collin, historian Peter Erasmus M\u00fcller, writer Adam Oehlenschl\u00e4ger, architect C. F. Hansen and painters Christian August Lorentzen, C. W. Eckersberg and architect G. F. Hetsch. The winners in the drawings category were J.L. Lund with Balder og Mimer hos nornerne\nSalling, Emma, ‘Den tungsindige helt’, in Meddelelser fra Thorvaldsens Museum<\/em>, 1989, p. 288.\n\">28<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0(first place) and Andreas Ludvig Koop with Volas sp\u00e5dom<\/em> (second place), while Hermann Freund received the first prize for his relief (bozetti<\/em>)29<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0[Fig. 4]<\/strong>, for the same theme as Lund.Mimer og Balder der udsp\u00f8rger Nornerne<\/em> in Freund, Victor. Hermann Ernst Freunds levned<\/em>. Kj\u00f8benhavn: T. H. Linds Forlag, 1883, p. 82.\n\">30<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Lund and Freund\u2019s norns share the same structure, despite appearing in different contexts. I have been unable to ascertain who made the first version of the subject or did the original outlines. Even so, we know that the two artists were friends. We suspect that Freund carried out the original design, as he was personally invited by the competition\u2019s patron and even received books from him as inspiration.Edda <\/em>by Finn Magnussen and the books Nordens Guder <\/em>by Oehlenschl\u00e4ger and Optrin af Norners og Asers Kamp <\/em>by Grundtvig. According: Johansen, Peter, Nordisk oldtid og dansk kunst<\/em>. K\u00f8benhavn: I kommission hos H. Hagerup, 1907, p. 55\n\">31<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0Freund\u2019s award-winning relief is currently at Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, while the National Gallery of Denmark keeps the reproduction for this sculpture by S\u00f8ren Henrik Petersen in 1822 [Fig. 3]<\/strong>.<\/p>\n These works feature three sets of characters: a group of valkyries, the norns and two gods, Mimir and Balder. The three valkyries (Gudur, Totha and Skuld) are located on the far left, clad in animal skins and carrying shields and axes. They reflect Germanic patterns with wild and aggressive tones, unlike the other five characters, all markedly classic in nature. Verdandi (Varanda) and Balder are almost completely naked, with hair and features fitting the Greek model. Urd is seated and facing to the left, while Skuld is at the opposite side and Verdandi is standing in the middle of the group. Urd writes on a tablet \u2013 matching a description from V\u01eblusp\u00e1<\/em>, accessible via the Danish translations of the time.V\u01eblusp\u00e1<\/em> has been available in Danish since 1665. According to: Andersen, Lise Pr\u00e6stgaard, ‘Oehlenschl\u00e5ger: de norr\u00f8ne kilder og de norr\u00f8ne kvinder’, Danske Studier<\/em>, Akademisk Forlag, K\u00f8benhavn, 1981, p. 12. In 1821 there was a new translation into Danish of V\u01eblusp\u00e1<\/em>, carried out by Magn\u00fasson, Finnur, Den \u00e6ldre Edda. En samling af de nordiske Folks Sagn og Sange, ved Saemund Sigfuss\u00f6n kaldet Hin Frode<\/em>, vol. I. K\u00f8benhavn: Den Gyldendalske Boghandling, 1821. The excerpt in this edition that mentions carving norns is: ‘de skare paa Tavlen’ (cut on the board, Valas Spaadom<\/em>, s. 18, p. 38).\n\">32<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Verdandi supports one foot on an overturned and overflowing water jar \u2013 another idea that may have been taken from Snorri\u2019s Edda<\/em> and its description of how the norns watered the cosmic tree daily. In turn, the act of the gods MimirApollon p\u00e5l\u00e6gger Parcerne at ops\u00f8ge den fra jorden bortflygtede Ceres<\/em>, 1809, oil on canvas, 47.5 x 48 cm, The National Gallery of Denmark, KMS3342. Photo: Public domain: open.smk.dk\/artwork\/image\/KMS3342<\/a>.\nApollo’s encounter with the parcai<\/em> to try to find Ceres does not exist in the sources of classical mythology. Perhaps the writer Oehlenschl\u00e4ger was inspired by Abildgaard’s painting to compose the scene (Nordens Guder<\/em>, canto<\/em> XIV) in which the gods look for the norns to try to solve the kidnapping of Iduna.\n\">33<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0and Balder consulting the norns, the detail of Skuld\u2019s wings and her position with her fingers on her lip was taken from Oehlenschl\u00e4ger’s Nordens Guder<\/em>, published just three years before this image.Nordens Guder<\/em>: et epik digt. K\u00f8benhavn: Trykt paa Forfatterens Forlag, 1819, p. 186, 187, 188. Perhaps Oehlenschl\u00e4ger was inspired by the wings of Freyja (a description that appears in the canto<\/em> XIV) to describe wings also in Skuld.\n\">34<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0Freund also added wings for Verdandi and, moreover, positioned her in a central and imposing way, including a detail that did not exist in the Edda<\/em> but appears in Oehlenschl\u00e4ger\u2019s book: a set of scales in her hand.Nordens Guder,<\/em> p. 188. All-Father (Alfader) is another name for the god Odin in the Eddas<\/em>.\n\">35<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0This equipment also does not occur in representations of the parcai<\/em> and moirai<\/em> in European art. So it is possible that Oehlenschl\u00e4ger and Freund merged two other iconic traditions: the statues of the Nike goddesses of the Greeks with the Lady Justice of the Romans.<\/p>\n Later, in 1826, Freund would include norns in the most ambitious Nordic project in Danish art, the Ragnar\u00f6k Frieze<\/em> [Fig. 5]<\/strong> executed for Christiansborg Palace. A part of the panel was installed in 1827. With Freund\u2019s death in 1840, the remainder of the frieze was completed by Hermann Wilhelm Bissen (1798-1868) between 1841 and 1842; however, the ensemble was destroyed by a fire in 1884. The panel now survives only through copies. Freund kept the three Norns in almost the same position and holding the same objects, but they now bore a look more Egyptian than Greek: instead of hair tied or loose, their heads are encircled by bands that fall behind the ears. Despite the changes, the meaning of the motif is perpetuated: Urd is the historical past (the record), Verdandi is the present figured by justice and equity, while Skuld represents the uncertainty of future (previously with her finger on her mouth and looking to the right; now with her chin in her hand and facing left).<\/p>\n A drawing by Lund, Balder og Mimer hos nornerne\nI possess no documental information that objectively proves that this composition is the same that won the 1822 contest. Heiberg claims that this drawing was taken from Oehlenschl\u00e4ger’s poem, but gives it a wrong title (Odin und Mimer be\u017fuchen die Nornen, <\/em>Heiberg, Nordische Mythologie, <\/em>p. vii), because in this poem, it is Balder and Mimir who visit and talk to the norns to rescue the goddess Iduna. The book in which the image was found only states that the drawing is by Lund (‘nach einer Zeichnung des hernn Professors Lund in Kopenhagen’, Heiberg, Nordische Mythologie, <\/em>p. vii). Our conviction is based on elements intrinsic to the object<\/em>: 1. In all later representations of Norns by Lund, the presence of Balder and Mimir does not occur, as in this image of Heiberg’s book, alluding to the title of the 1822 contest submission; 2. The publication date of the book is only five years after the contest; 3. Skuld’s helmet and Mimir’s clothing in the image from Heiberg’s book resemble helmets and clothing in Lund's earlier drawings: Ansgar pr\u00e6dikende<\/em> (pencil, 1819, The National Gallery of Denmark, KKSgb13640, https:\/\/collection.smk.dk\/#\/detail\/KKSgb13640<\/a>), Knud den Store ved strandbredden <\/em>(pencil, 1825-1830?, The National Gallery of Denmark, KKSgb13500, https:\/\/collection.smk.dk\/#\/detail\/KKSgb13500<\/a>); 4. The drawing repeats the same patterns as Freund’s relief, on which it was based.\n\">36<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0, known from a reproduction [Fig. 6]<\/strong>, suggests influences from Freund\u2019s award-winning relief, albeit with modifications.37<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Lund leaves only Verdandi with wings, and the scales are passed into Skuld’s hands. Urd is no longer writing, but just holding the sign, this time covered in runes. This time, it is Verdandi who touches her lips with her finger, while Skuld wears armour of the Lorica type \u2013 here Lund brings her closer to a homonymous valkyrie, Skuld, a recurring character in the Eddic sources. Overall, the scene is much more Nordic than Freund\u2019s image: the women\u2019s clothing consists of long dresses, capes and brooches, in keeping with ancient Denmark, and Mimir and Balder wear traditional costumes too. The latter has no beard (as in Freund), but rather than Greek hair, he has a face much closer to the face traditionally associated with Christ. Lund used other strategies to bring this landscape closer to the Nordic world. First, he inserted a runestone to the left side of the norns, and two ornate vases to the right. In the background of the scene, on a small slope, is the Yggdrasil tree with the Bifrost rainbow coming out of its crown. At the base of the tree is a megalithic circle of ten stones.<\/p>\n The runestone in the illustration was based on dozens of monuments found throughout Denmark, featured in several antiquarian publications since Ole Worm. One side is covered in serpentining ornaments, while the others bear runic inscriptions. In the early nineteenth century, literature and art still made use of runes according to a Romantic ideal stemming from antiquarian studies, a scenario that began to change after the 1830s.European Romantic Review<\/em> 16(5), 2005, pp. 589-611.\n\">38<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0In Lund, the runestone and the runes in Urd\u2019s hands serve to reinforce the feeling that the past was rich in wisdom and knowledge, just as the megalithic circle around the cosmic tree reinforces a symbolism of antiquity and unity of the gods.<\/p>\n In 1836. Lund created another depiction of the norns [Fig. 7]<\/strong>, this time omitting Mimir and Balder. Virtually the same scene and its elements are preserved (the megaliths, the tree and rainbow, and the runestone), albeit with some small details changed: Skuld is no longer armoured and wears a garland of flowers on her head, making the scene much lighter and more feminine in tone. Her scales carry a dagger and a wreathNordische Mythologie, <\/em>p. viii\n\">39<\/a><\/sup>, symbolising the balance between war and peace among men in the future.Nordens Guder,<\/em> p. 188.\n\">40<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Lund continues to explore the theme of norns in a study from 1842 [Fig. 8]<\/strong> and in the painting De tre norner<\/em> from 1844 [Fig. 9]<\/strong>. Both share the same structure, differing only in the use of colours and some minor details.41<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0The painting has painted side frames, depicting beasts and snakes on the upper part (a common motif in rune stones) as well as the name of the three norns written in Danish-style runes (the younger futhark<\/em>).Runes<\/em>. London: The British Museum Press, 2000, p. 20.\n\">42<\/a><\/sup> Each female character boasts a strong and vibrant colour (purple, red and green), all contrasting with each other. Such contrast is characteristic of the Nazarene movement with which Lund was associated, referring to the patterns of the Italian Renaissance.Den anden guldalder<\/em>: Johan Ludvig Lund over alle gr\u00e6nser<\/em>. Denmark: Den Hirschsprungske Samling, 2019, pp. 160-209. Despite this aesthetic influence, Lund follows the colours of the norns according to the book Nordens Guder<\/em>, where Skuld has a green garment and Verdandi uses a light garment: ‘Gront hendes Klaede\u00dfond (…) med Blikket klart’, Oehlenschl\u00e4ger, Adam, Nordens Guder<\/em>, p. 188.\n\">43<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0Here all parts of the image were executed with precision and balance of the elements. There is no difference between nature and the three female beings; all have a strong symbolic charge: the fountain in the foreground, the caveNordens Guder<\/em>, but this is another scene that also does not occur in sources of medieval literature: ‘Bes\u00f8gte Mimer i den kolde Hule’ (Visited Mimer in the cold cave), Oehlenschl\u00e4ger, Adam Gottlob, Nordens Guder<\/em>, p. 186. Another possible influence on Lund is the cave symbolism in the paintings of German romanticism, e.g. in Caspar David Friedrich. Johannes Wiedewelt’s drawing for the opera Balders D\u00f8d<\/em> (act 3, scene 2) features the three women in a cave (Johannes Ewald's Balders D\u00f8d<\/em>, 1780). Online: http:\/\/www.kunstbib.dk\/samlinger\/arkitekturtegninger\/vaerker\/000027954\/26\n\">44<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0on the left and the Yggdrasil tree to the right.<\/p>\n The norn Urd is in front of a cave, here symbolising the past. Conveying a very determined attitude, she is the only one with a vigorous look. Verdandi is in front of the fountain, symbolising the actions that can be judged in the present (by the scales), while Skuld remains seated with Yggdrasil behind her silhouette. Here the cosmic tree takes on cosmic significance related to the future. Compared to his 1822 drawing [fig. 6]<\/strong>, here the harmony and natural balance of the three norns imbues the painting with a much greater sense of time and destiny.<\/p>\n In this painting, Lund has chosen to hybridise his previous illustrations by incorporating certain elements from Hermann Freund\u2019s relief: Urd writing on the blackboard; Verdandi with wings and carrying scales; Skuld holding a staff. Between one norn and another, he inserted an ornamented vase. One of the transformations involved placing Verdandi in the central position, almost upright and carrying the scales: these had already been inserted in the works of by Freund and Lund in 1822 and now once again become the main focal point of the image. Lund preserves the runic wooden staff, but here it is almost shaped like a sword,Kulturen<\/em>, email on February 7, 2020). The city of Lund (Sweden) has a very old collection of rune wooden calendars and in Copenhagen there was much research on runes, which may have influenced J.L. Lund.\n\">45<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0perhaps an allusion to the valkyrie Skuld. The order of the norns was inspired by the conception of time and age, with Urd presented with a veil and cape (the oldest), Verdandi with braids and a spiral diadem (middle age) and Skuld, the youngest, with a diadem and simpler braids. As for the general meaning of the painting, scholar Anna Schram Vejlby has observed that its figures exhibit far more symbolic than realistic attitudes, their gestures and gaze communicating a sense of reflection and eternity.Den anden guldalder<\/em>: Johan Ludvig Lund over alle gr\u00e6nser<\/em>. Denmark: Den Hirschsprungske Samling, 2019, p. 55.\n\">46<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n A central question remains: Why were the norns chosen as a central theme in Freund and Lund\u2019s two award-winning works?\u00a0The first answer may lie in Oehlenschl\u00e4ger\u2019s book. While in the Eddas <\/em>the norns appear as shadowy figures, in quick and fragmented descriptions, in Nordens Guder<\/em> they became an important part of the XIV ![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.perspectivejournal.dk\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/02\/fig._1._cut.png\")
The norns and the beginning of Nordic reception in Denmark<\/h2>\n
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The norns in the Copenhagen Mythological contest<\/h2>\n
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The norns in the works of J.L. Lund<\/h2>\n
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The Destiny of a Nation<\/h2>\n